Suchergebnisse

In this project the ongoing trends in European integration policies will be studied by focussing particularly on the case of Sweden. The project has three aims. Firstly, to characterize the Swedish position from a comparative European perspective. Secondly, I aim to explain the Swedish position historically and comparatively. Thirdly, I shall scrutinize normatively the ongoing developments in integration policy. Adapted from the source document.

Abstract
With the case of Sweden as its focus, this article contributes to the research on state–Islam relations in Europe. From a comparative European perspective, it demonstrates that Sweden departs from what is generally presented as the common pattern when it comes to when, how and why state-Islam relations were first established. Previous theorising on this topic, primarily connected with Jonathan Laurence's seminal work on state–Islam relations in Europe, argues that such relations follow two phases, namely (1) Embassy Islam (1960–1990) and (2) the institutionalisation of domestic relations with (national) Muslim Councils (1990-onwards). Our conclusion, however, is that Sweden skipped the first phase and went directly to the second in the mid-1970s. This, we argue, can be explained as the (unplanned) result of a general change in church–state relations in Sweden.

This report explores how recent processes of immigration have changed discourses about Europe and migration in Swedish political speeches and newspaper editorials 2011-2018. In the period up to September 2015, political speeches and editorials reflected a dominant humanitarian discourse and Sweden was expected to strive for a better and more coordinated EU policy approach in relation to refugees. The prevailing image was of Sweden as a forerunner and role model for other EU member states. The right-wing populist party the Sweden Democrats (SD) represented a counter-discourse, instead emphasizing as a main problem that Sweden diverged from other European countries in maintaining a more generous approach towards migration. In Sweden, liberal ideas and rhetoric about Europe dominate the political discourse. Political speeches analysed in this report reflect images of Europe as an "open society"; the aim being to incorporate diversity in the European project along with the fundamental approval of human rights based on the liberal platform of respect of individual dignity. The material analyzed in this report gives relatively few examples of framings characteristic of conservative ideas of Europe. One reason for this may be that, given the dominance of the liberal discourse, even right-wing populist party representatives (Sweden Democrats, SD) tend to frame their messages and proposals in a liberalist language. There are however recurrent examples of arguments and framings – used by SD as well as other political parties – focusing on the alleged threat that external migration represents, to Sweden and/or to Europe, and there is an indication of an increase in this type of frame in the second part of the studied period (2015-2018).

This report explores how recent processes of immigration have changed discourses about Europe and migration in Swedish political speeches and newspaper editorials 2011-2018. In the period up to September 2015, political speeches and editorials reflected a dominant humanitarian discourse and Sweden was expected to strive for a better and more coordinated EU policy approach in relation to refugees. The prevailing image was of Sweden as a forerunner and role model for other EU member states. The right-wing populist party the Sweden Democrats (SD) represented a counter-discourse, instead emphasizing as a main problem that Sweden diverged from other European countries in maintaining a more generous approach towards migration. In Sweden, liberal ideas and rhetoric about Europe dominate the political discourse. Political speeches analysed in this report reflect images of Europe as an "open society"; the aim being to incorporate diversity in the European project along with the fundamental approval of human rights based on the liberal platform of respect of individual dignity. The material analyzed in this report gives relatively few examples of framings characteristic of conservative ideas of Europe. One reason for this may be that, given the dominance of the liberal discourse, even right-wing populist party representatives (Sweden Democrats, SD) tend to frame their messages and proposals in a liberalist language. There are however recurrent examples of arguments and framings – used by SD as well as other political parties – focusing on the alleged threat that external migration represents, to Sweden and/or to Europe, and there is an indication of an increase in this type of frame in the second part of the studied period (2015-2018).

From a comparative European perspective, Sweden is generally known as a country pursuing relatively liberal asylum policies. One distinguishing feature of Swedish immigration policy has been the principle that persons who are given asylum are immediately granted permanent residence (although the law allows exemptions from this under certain circumstances). This report gives an overview of the Swedish legal and policy framework of border management and migration control – how it relates to EU regulations and policies; what key actors are involved in the implementation and what the key issues and challenges are in relation to this field.

From a comparative European perspective, Sweden is generally known as a country pursuing relatively liberal asylum policies. One distinguishing feature of Swedish immigration policy has been the principle that persons who are given asylum are immediately granted permanent residence (although the law allows exemptions from this under certain circumstances). This report gives an overview of the Swedish legal and policy framework of border management and migration control – how it relates to EU regulations and policies; what key actors are involved in the implementation and what the key issues and challenges are in relation to this field.

Family migration policies are part of a larger integration policy trend referred to as the 'civic integrationist turn'. States across Europe have moved away from more rights-based approaches for the integration of immigrants towards a stronger emphasis on obligations, implying that new arrivals must prove to have attained certain integration achievements before accessing rights in the host country. This development has to be understood in relation to growing concerns about national identity and social cohesion where immigrant groups are seen to pose a threat to existing liberal values. Arguably, discourses of gender equality are at the heart of this debate, and have pushed the question of women's emancipation closer to the borders of Fortress Europe. It is in this context that we locate our paper on gender equality discourses on family re-unification policies and more specifically marriage migration in the UK and Sweden. The rationale behind our comparative approach is that these countries share a similar 'multicultural' integration policy legacy and were previously regarded to be the most committed to the 'multicultural programme'. But while the UK has made significant policy moves, with the introduction of stricter requirements, Sweden remains reluctant towards the use of civic conditioning of rights as an integration policy tool.

The immigration of people from other parts of the world has meant new challenges to the Nordic welfare model and its fundamental idea of social integration and full citizenship. Current policy in Scandinavian countries calls for distributing newly arriving refugees between different regions and housing areas. This article examines the dilemmas created by this policy, and how such dilemmas are perceived and handled in Sweden, Denmark and Norway. With reference to previous related research, similarities and differences between the three countries' policies are analyzed at both national and local levels. The article's authors note that an immigrant policy characterized by the goal of social integration has created tensions between the ideals of integration versus the preservation of ethnic cultures, the individual versus the collective, and egalitarianism versus specialized treatment of immigrants as a group separate from the general population. Sweden, Denmark, and Norway have differed in their handling of these tensions, with Sweden opting for an approach based on a multicultural model, whereas Denmark has adopted a strict integrationist policy, including limits on the immigration of foreign residents' relatives, and Norway adopting a middle position. On the local level, the immigration policies and practices of Malmo, Arhus, and Oslo, as respective representative communities of the three countries under study, are compared. Adapted from the source document.

This special issue addresses the question of how to understand the civic turn within immigrant integration in the West towards programs and instruments, public discourses and political intentions, which aim to condition, incentivize, and shape through socialization immigrants into 'citizens'. Empirically, it focuses on the less studied Scandinavian cases of Sweden, Norway, and Denmark. In this introduction,we situate the contributions to this special issue within the overall debate on civic integration and convergence. We introduce the three cases, critically discuss the (liberal) convergence thesis and its descriptive and explanatory claims, and explain why studying the Scandinavian welfare states can further our understanding of the nature of the civic turn and its driving forces. Before concluding, we discuss whether civic integration policies actually work.